NCCPR's updated report on New York City child welfare
is available here.
And see this excellent column from Errol Louis in the New York Daily News for more about Scott Stringer's so-called report, and other politicians who "preen at kids' expense"
It’s good to see New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio and the Administration for Children’s Services fighting back against the alleged “report” from another mayor wanna-be. This time it’s City Comptroller Scott Stringer seeking to exploit child abuse tragedy to advance his political ambitions.
is available here.
And see this excellent column from Errol Louis in the New York Daily News for more about Scott Stringer's so-called report, and other politicians who "preen at kids' expense"
It’s good to see New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio and the Administration for Children’s Services fighting back against the alleged “report” from another mayor wanna-be. This time it’s City Comptroller Scott Stringer seeking to exploit child abuse tragedy to advance his political ambitions.
I say alleged report because I can’t seem to find it
anywhere. There is a press release on
Stringer’s website – but I can’t find an actual report. I assume it exists, since a NY1 story shows
video of a document trumpeting “preliminary findings.” [UPDATE, DEC. 27: In an excellent column in the New York Daily News Errol Louis writes that "In reality, what Stringer issued was nothing but a
two-page letter to ACS, along with the all-important press release..."]
Stringer’s apparent shyness about posting his findings is
surprising. One would think he would be proud to show us all how he managed to
conduct a thorough review of 3,692 child abuse investigations in less than
three months.
As for the numbers Stringer spewed out, it’s worth looking
at the fine print.
The actual “report” – as seen in a screenshot of the NY1
story - says that of the 3,962 ACS investigations
conducted from July 1 to September 25, 38 were high priority because they
involved a report of a death of a child. That does not mean ACS knew about all
38 children. Some of them may have been high priority cases precisely because
the death was the first ACS knew about the family. Stringer goes on to claim that ten of the 38
deaths were in cases where ACS in fact had received at least four reports on
the child.
But here’s what ACS says:
● Among the cases studied by Stringer’s office, there were
26 fatalities during the three-month period and 33 fatalities in all, not 38.
● Four of the deaths occurred before 2014.
● 15 of them were in families not known to ACS.
Gothamist reports that, according to
the city, of the fatalities in cases that were known to ACS:
● Six allegedly died due to unsafe sleeping conditions.
● Three died due to illness
● One died in a fire
● One died due to an accident.
In three other cases, the cause of death is not yet known.
The best indication that ACS’s numbers are right comes from
how Stringer responded: He tried to change the subject, saying in effect: Pay
no attention to the fatality figures I used to grab cheap headlines, what about
the findings on whether workers completed all their required tasks?
We all know the answer: Had the report focused on that in
the first place, there would have been no cheap headlines.
Here are a few basic facts to put this, and any other report
on child abuse fatalities, into context.
● There are about 1.8 million New Yorkers under age 18.
● There were 55,329 reports alleging child abuse in New York
City in Fiscal Year 2016.
● Even by the Comptroller’s own estimate, there were 3,692 “high
priority” investigations in a period of just three months.
● In a typical year, somewhere between 40 and 50 children
previously known to ACS die.
● “Known to the system” can be anything from one report on a
family to many more. And the time frame can be anything from known to the
system a day before the death to known to the system ten years earlier.
● In many cases, the death is not due to child abuse. For
example: A spike in deaths of children known to the system in 2015 was due to
an increase in deaths due to natural causes.
● Determining if a death is due to abuse, neglect, or
accident can be surprisingly subjective. Suppose a toddler wakes up early one Sunday
morning, manages to unlock the door, wanders outside and is hit by a car. Accident or neglect? Given the biases that
permeate child welfare, if the child lived in Riverdale, it probably would be
labeled an accident. If it’s the South
Bronx, it be more likely to be labeled neglect.
What we can – and can’t
– learn from death numbers
What does it all mean? Though each is the worst form of
tragedy, and the only acceptable goal for such deaths is zero, a child abuse
death is, fortunately, very rare – so rare that it is almost impossible to
determine if a child welfare agency is doing better, or worse, by trying to
count them.
It also means that the children who are going to die if ACS
doesn’t find them first are a very small number of needles in a very large
haystack. And the case which, after a tragedy, seemed to have more red
flags than a Soviet May Day parade may have looked before the tragedy just like hundreds of other cases where nothing
went wrong.
You will never succeed in finding the needles by trying to
vacuum up the entire haystack – in other words, by tearing apart far more
families and consigning far more children needlessly to foster care. New York
City tried that after Elisa Izquierdo died and after Nixzmary Brown died. It
didn’t work. And
it’s probably happening now, too.
There are better ways to measure ACS performance: What
percentage of abused or neglected children known to the system face any form of
abuse or neglect again? What proportion of children sent home from foster care
have to be placed in foster care again?
By these measures, ACS’ performance in FY 2016 actually was
the best it’s been in
at least six years.
And it’s not good enough.
No free pass for ACS
None of this means it’s time to give ACS a free pass and
turn to other things.
As I suggested in
response to a report from another mayor wanna-be, there are far better ways
to evaluate ACS.
As for those performance measures in Stringer’s report,
maybe it’s time to look at a more fundamental question: Do those requirements
actually improve practice, or are they just CYA protocols.
For example, according to the New York Post, one of the “shocking” findings in Stringer’s alleged
report is that “31.9 percent of the cases were closed without first being reviewed
by a supervisor five times.”
Five times?
Really? Perhaps we should start
by considering whether reviewing the same case five times is the highest best
use of a supervisor’s time – as opposed to a CYA rule added after some past
high-profile tragedy in which a supervisor only reviewed the file three or four
times.
The price of panic
And finally, if in fact the proper checks aren’t being made,
if the investigations are too superficial, if workers are engaging in what’s
been called “drive by casework” that’s almost certainly because those workers
are overloaded.
Political grandstanding pushes workers to rush to tear apart
even more families. That kind of foster-care panic further overloads workers.
So the investigations get sloppier – and more children are endangered. Scott
Stringer’s grandstanding is making all vulnerable children less safe.
Surely Stringer could have found a better way to campaign
for mayor.