Monday, November 4, 2024

NCCPR news and commentary round-up, week ending November 5, 2024

● COVID taught us that when the family police step back and community-based community-run support organizations step up, child abuse is reduced.  Now the Family Justice Journal devotes an entire issue to what that kind of support should look like. (Remember, you can download it as a .pdf to avoid the #$%^& flipbook format :-)) 

● And yes, there’s still another study showing the value of providing concrete help to families in reducing child abuse.  

A commentary in The Imprint reminds us of something else that makes a huge difference in improving the lives of children: good lawyers for them – and for their parents. 

● Encouraged by a dreadful federal law, the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, states have long used the family police to persecute pregnant women who use drugs – including, sometimes especially, marijuana – doing enormous harm to their children.  Now, Investigate West reports on how the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision is encouraging states to ratchet up the harm. 

The persecution of pregnant women is triggered by mandatory reporting laws which require huge numbers of professionals to turn them in.  So I hope this Investigate West story is read closely in the Investigate West newsroom itself, since they’ve been among the worst offenders when it comes to crusading to expand mandatory reporting to one of the few categories of professionals now often exempt.  I wrote about that here. 

● The problems are compounded when the drug tests used to justify tearing apart a family and holding a child in foster care are not even accurate. InvestigateTV, the national investigative arm of Gray Television, found serious problems with the accuracy of the tests in some cases.  

The Imprint reports that, in its final days in office, the Biden Administration took a first step toward involving the federal government in curbing the insidious practice of states swiping foster youths’ Social Security benefits. 

● Pridefully progressive Vermont tears apart families and sends children off to the hell of foster care at a rate that would make Donald Trump blush proud: the second-highest rate in America, more than quadruple the national average, when rates of child poverty are factored in. It’s been that way for decades.  Yet this dismal record has largely gone under the radar in family policing circles and in local media. I have a blog post about it.

Sunday, November 3, 2024

Progressive little Vermont tears apart families at a rate that would make Donald Trump proud

The Vermont State Capitol

            Nationally, little attention has been paid to how family policing functions in Vermont.  For whatever reason, the awful system next door in New Hampshire gets plenty of attention.  But Vermont is even worse; probably the worst in New England and among the worst in the nation.   Yet it goes largely under the radar. 

            A story about foster youth getting access to their own records was a useful reminder that Vermont needs more attention – and Vermont’s leaders need to feel ashamed. 

            I was reminded when a story about access to records brought home a comparison between two mothers and their children.  One lived in Vermont, the other lived near me in Northern Virginia. 

            Both begin the same way.  A mother’s injuries lead to prescriptions for opioid painkillers which lead to a substance use disorder. 

            Vermont Public recently told the story of what happened to the son of the first mother, Nathaniel Farnham, when the Vermont family police agency, the Department of Children and Families, invaded his life.  After two weeks of supervised visits to the family, Farnham says, 

“…one Saturday morning while I was watching cartoons with my mom, knock on the door, and there’s a DCF worker with two state troopers. And I’m getting put in the back of a car and off I go, start the 13 years of hell.”

             Farnham was at the mercy of the DCF from age 7 until he aged out in 2018.  He told Vermont Public he’d been in 35 different foster homes and at least eight placements in “residential treatment.” 

The mother in my Virginia neighborhood was, if anything, in worse shape.  She was hooked on prescription opioids and an alcoholic. "I liked alcohol, it made me feel warm,” she would later say. “And I loved pills. They took away my tension and my pain."  This addict also had serious mental health issues. 

            But unlike Nathaniel Farnham, this mother’s children were not taken away. The local equivalent of the Department of Children and Families never knocked on the door. Instead of “13 years of hell” the children lived safely, first in their suburban Virginia home and then in the White House -- with their mom, Betty Ford.  You can get a glimpse of their idyllic life here starting at 0:50 in: 



            The difference, of course, boils down to a single word: Money. Betty Ford had all the help she needed to raise her children safely despite her many issues. How much hell might Nathaniel have been spared, had anything like that kind of help been offered to his mother? 

            What happened to Nathaniel happens in every state, but it’s more likely to happen in Vermont. Vermont is a top candidate for child removal capital of America.  Pridefully progressive Vermont tears apart families and sends children off to the hell of foster care at a rate that would make Donald Trump blush proud: the second-highest rate in America, more than quadruple the national average, when rates of child poverty are factored in. It’s been that way for decades. 

            The result is a system that makes all children less safe. 

            Most cases are nothing like the horror stories of children tortured and murdered.  In Vermont 93% of the time, when children are thrown into foster care their parents are not even accused of physical or sexual abuse.  Most cases aren’t even like Nathaniel’s mother, or Betty Ford.  More than 60% of the time, there’s not even an allegation of any kind of drug abuse at all.  

            Far more common are cases in which family poverty is confused with neglect.  

            Even Bill Young, who used to run Vermont’s child welfare agency, is appalled.  After the Vermont Center for Parent Representation documented case after case of families wrongly listed on the state´s blacklist of alleged child abusers, Young said:  

“After about two months, I realized oh my god, it’s true. These stories are true … [We] have a situation where people begin to think, you know, in the interest of protecting a child, you can skew the evidence a little bit, something that people who raised me would have called lying.”

            Consider how this culture harms children.  

Vermonters were appalled when Trump tore apart families at the Mexican border – we all remember those children’s cries.  And The New York Times just reminded us of the legacy. Yes, when DCF does it, there’s a difference: DCF workers almost always mean well.  But the trauma of being torn from everyone they know and love is identical.  Vermont children cry out the same way for the same reasons.  

No wonder study after study finds that, in typical cases, children left in their own homes typically fare better even than comparably-maltreated children placed in foster care.  And yes, that includes cases where the issue is substance use. 

            The harm isn’t just emotional. Multiple studies find abuse in one-quarter to one-third of family foster homes. The rate of abuse in group homes and institutions is even worse. 

            And all the time, money and effort wasted on false allegations, trivial cases and poverty cases is, in effect, stolen from finding those few children in real danger. 

            To its credit, the Vermont Legislature enacted modest reforms. But far more needs to be done.  For starters, the model of high-quality family defense pioneered in Vermont by VCPR must be available to every family. This approach is proven to reduce foster care with no compromise of safety.  In some cases, the federal government will reimburse half the cost. Between that and the savings from reduced foster care, this approach pays for itself. 

            And lawmakers need to become laser-focused on ameliorating the worst stresses of poverty.  Startlingly small investments in cash assistance, housing aid and childcare can dramatically reduce not only neglect but even severe abuse.  And when the issue really is substance use that compromises safety, apply the Betty Ford standard to any Vermonter who needs treatment. 

            Is it really too much to ask that Vermont take a more humane approach to child welfare than Donald Trump?

Thursday, October 31, 2024

#CASAsoWhite: Our annual Halloween reminder to CASA: No, it’s not a good idea to raise money by holding a talent show with a blackface act. (And yes, one CASA chapter actually did that.)

 We suggest that the National office for the Court-Appointed Special Advocates program use this item from The Daily Show as a training video

In 2018, responding to former Today Show anchor Megyn Kelly’s appalling attempt to justify blackface, (for which she has apologized) her colleague Craig Melvin noted that, as a CNN story put it, “this controversy is an opportunity to inform people — but [Melvin] said most people already knew how offensive blackface is.”

Most people, but apparently not one chapter of that most sacred cow in child welfare Court-Appointed Special Advocates.  Oh, they’ve learned in the years since they included a blackface act in a fundraiser, especially since they apparently eventually apologized – but that is just one example of the racial bias that plagues CASA.  And that, of course, raises fundamental questions about the role of CASA in deciding the fate of children who are overwhelmingly poor and disproportionately children of color.  Even more questions are raised by the latest study of CASA's effectiveness. And there's much more about CASA in NCCPR's presentation at the 2021 Kempe Center conference. and in this 2024 story from The Imprint.

So every Halloween, I plan to reprint this post from 2017:  

This Halloween, The Daily Show offers a useful history lesson. The topic: why it’s a really bad idea for white people to dress up in blackface:



But the lesson isn’t just useful for Halloween. It’s also something that anyone involved with that most sacred cow of child welfare – Court-Appointed Special Advocates -- needs to know.

CASA is a program in which minimally trained volunteers, overwhelmingly white and middle-class, are assigned to families who are overwhelmingly poor and disproportionately nonwhite. Then they tell judges if the children should be taken from those families, sometimes forever.   That, of course, raises problems of inherent bias.  But some CASA chapters have made their biases depressingly obvious.

Consider what happened nine years ago in Arkansas City, Kansas. To raise funds for the local CASA chapter, they held a talent competition. The winning act featured the mayor of Arkansas City – dressed in blackface.  The head of the local CASA chapter couldn’t understand why that was a problem.   "It wasn't black black," she said. "It was all really just tan." That’s only the beginning. All the awful details are here.

It would be one thing if this were just an isolated example of racial bias. But it’s not.

● There was the CASA chapter in Marin County, California, which fell apart when the state CASA association merely asked that they strive for more diversity among the volunteers.

● There was the appalling racist rant by someone who says he volunteered in a scandal-plagued Washington State CASA program for 20 years.

● There’s the fact that the most comprehensive study ever done of CASA, a study commissioned by the National CASA Association itself, found that CASA volunteers spend significantly less time on a case if the child to whom they are assigned is Black.

● And then there’s the question of whether the very structure of CASA makes it, in the words of a law review article, “an exercise of white supremacy.”

Showing the Daily Show video won’t solve all these problems; not even close. But it might help prevent the worst excesses of racial bias in CASA programs.

Originally published, Oct. 30, 2017

Wednesday, October 30, 2024

NCCPR news and commentary roundup, week ending Oct. 29

● At long last, the United States has officially apologized for 150 years of trying to use “child welfare” and children’s “best interests” to eradicate Native America. You can watch President Biden issue the apology here.


The Imprint has the reaction of tribal leaders, who praised the apology but noted that the words must be followed by action. The story cites, among others, Jonathan W. Smith, Sr., chairman of the Tribal Council for the Confederated Tribes of the Warm Springs Reservation of Oregon: 

“The true measure of these words will be in the actions that come from them,” he said. “We look forward to working together on concrete commitments that demonstrate a genuine redress of this deliberate pain.” 

Indeed, Native Americans continue to be torn from their homes at far higher rates than their rate in the general population, and there are constant efforts by defenders of family policing to undermine the law meant to curb such needless removal -- the Indian Child Welfare Act. 

And see this reminder from Kevin Campbell, CEO and Co-Founder of Pale Blue: 

● Even the boarding schools that were the heart of the original systematic plan to use child welfare to eradicate Native America have not entirely gone away.  Seven modern versions still exist.  While they are not the torture chambers of old, Lee Enterprises newspapers report that at least two of them allegedly are the scene of other forms of abuse – sexual assault and the misuse and overuse of psychiatric medication. 

● For those who want to use ICWA to defend Native American children, there are new online resources.

 In other news:

As you read this New York Times story about children still traumatized years after they were torn from their parents at the Mexican border during the Trump Administration, please remember: When children are torn from their parents by U.S. family police agencies, their motives may be different, but the trauma is the same.

The Colorado Trust reports on the way housing isn’t just the reason for so many needless removals of children from their families, it’s also the trigger for so many of those “other reasons” family police agencies love to talk about to divert attention from the confusion of poverty with “neglect” … 

● … while the Santa Fe New Mexican reports that the New Mexico Supreme Court has curbed the ability of that state’s family police agency to confuse poverty with neglect. 

● For decades, as the massive American child welfare surveillance state grew, the response to anyone who objected was: “We have to do this, children are dying!  You don’t care if children die!”  So the surveillance state grew – and children kept right on dying. 

Two of the nation’s leading supporters of a take-the-child-and-run approach to family policing have refined the claim.  Now they claim we don’t want to talk about fatalities.  On the contrary, as I explain in this column for The Imprint, we talk about fatalities all the time – the take-the-child-and-run crowd just doesn’t like what we have to say. 

● There’s a child welfare angle to the controversy over owners of The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times killing editorials endorsing Kamala Harris.  One of those who resigned from the Times editorial board in protest is Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial writer Robert Greene.  He understood “child welfare” issues better – and sooner – than any other mainstream editorial writer I know.  He did the right thing, of course, but it’s still a big loss.  I wrote about him here.  

In this week’s edition of The Horror Stories go in All Directions: 

● There is no indication anyone accused the parents of one-year-old Nova Bryant of beating her, or starving her, or torturing her.  Instead, according to WRTV in Indianapolis 

Bryant relied on a feeding tube and [her mother, Celena] Conkright has disorders, including ADHD and ADD.  Conkright said DCS removed Bryant from her care two months after she was born.  “They said I wasn’t capable of taking care of her, they said I wasn’t learning fast enough,” Conkright said.

Here’s what happened in the last of the three foster homes in which Bryant was placed:

 The Indiana Department of Child Services is taking action to revoke a Brazil woman’s foster license after the drowning death of her 1-year-old foster daughter, Nova Bryant.

 Bryant's foster mother, Hailynn Volpatti, is charged with Neglect of a Dependent Resulting in Death, a level 1 felony.  Volpatti pleaded not guilty Friday and her jury trial is scheduled for April 15.

Tuesday, October 29, 2024

NCCPR in The Imprint: There’s No Silence on Child Deaths, But the Conversation Has Changed

In a recent column, Emily Putnam-Hornstein and Sarah Font claimed that “there remains strong resistance among child welfare scholars, advocates and national leaders to discussing maltreatment fatalities.” 

I have followed these issues for nearly 50 years, first as a reporter and for the past 34 as an advocate. I coordinate one listserv for grassroots family advocacy organizations and another for professionals in the field, and I participate in the discussions of three other advocacy coalitions. We talk about fatalities all the time. It’s just that people like Font and Putnam-Hornstein don’t like what organizations such as mine have to say. So they cherry-pick data to try to make a case for a surveil-and-remove approach that has failed for decades. Sometimes they even contradict themselves. …

 

Read the full column in The Imprint

Tuesday, October 22, 2024

NCCPR news and commentary roundup, week ending October 22, 2024

● Dr. Sharon McDaniel, a pioneer in doing kinship foster care the right way, speaks out about the enormous harm of doing it the wrong way – through the subterfuge known as “hidden foster care.” In a commentary for The Imprint, she writes:

 I want to be clear that while I believe hidden foster care should be eradicated, the path to doing so is not to simply place all of those children in the formal foster care system instead. Through an upstream preventative lens that narrows the front door and addresses poverty through support and not victimization, I assert fewer children will need any form of formal care as their parents will have the necessary community support and resources to care for their children without child welfare intervention. …

But when children really must be taken from their parents, Dr. McDaniel writes:

 I have spent my career pushing for relatives to be the solution. But they cannot be prioritized on the cheap and with less rights. They must be supported and provided the appropriate legal protections in place for any placement through the formal foster care system. Anything less is a disservice to the families and children we claim to protect.

The Imprint has a story about an encouraging trend in high-quality legal representation for families: providing that representation before a case goes to court. 

● That kind of legal representation is a key recommendation in an excellent, extensively documented report on the Illinois family policing system from the Illinois Black Advocacy Initiative. Other recommendations include full transparency, narrowing the scope of family policing and bolstering economic and social supports, including reparations for Black families. 

● In Michigan, there are counties that barely provide even the most minimal “representation” to children or parents.  The Detroit Free Press reports on recommendations from a Task Force addressing that issue.

LAist reports on another new study, this one from UCLA’s Pritzker Center for Strengthening Children and Families. This one concerns how survivors of domestic violence are victimized by the family police. From the story: 

“[The Department of Children and Family Services] was asking the survivors, ‘Why don't you just leave?’ The courts were asking ‘Why didn't you just leave? Why did you keep your kid in this situation?’ And what we know is that it's not that easy to leave,” [Pritzker Center Executive Director Taylor] Dudley said. … “They wanted to leave but they had nowhere to go, and because of that their children were removed,” she said. 

But notice how, even here, the focus is on making it easier for survivors to flee – not on, say, removing the abuser from the home. 

And, unlike the Illinois study, the recommendations in this study, while not bad, tend to be vague and tepid, perhaps because Pritzker partnered with DCFS to produce it. 

● Rep. Gwen Moore, who has sponsored federal legislation to make it harder for family police agencies to confuse poverty with neglect is the guest on The Imprint podcast this week. 

● Imagine a world in which every pregnant woman was forced to admit a "surveillance" agent into their home at any time, day or night, to check on fetal “well-being.” Imagine if the surveillance continued until the child was old enough for preschool. And imagine if the price for not meeting the government spy’s standard for “well-being” were to have the child taken forever.  No, it’s not Project 2025. It was part of a proposal from someone who was once one of the most prominent and influential self-proclaimed liberals in “child welfare.” We all need to remember it. This blog post is a reminder. 

In this week’s edition of The Horror Stories Go in All Directions: 

From KABC-TV, Los Angeles: Another story about the civil lawsuit filed by victims of horrific abuse both in their own home and then in foster care.  They’re suing Riverside County and the private agency that oversaw their foster care.  So let’s remember, if the private agencies get their way, it will be incredibly difficult for such children to sue in the future.  Yet one California news organization after another keeps writing news stories suggesting the real victims are the agencies! 

● From the Honolulu Star-Advertiser

The state of Hawaii and Catholic Charities Hawaii have settled a civil lawsuit for $690,000 involving the alleged repeated sexual assault, molestation and abuse of a foster child by the foster mother's son and his friend who both lived with them, plaintiff's lawyers said.

Monday, October 21, 2024

The “liberal” whose scheme was more evil than Project 2025

Self-proclaimed liberal Elizabeth Bartholet wanted to force every pregnant woman to admit a spy into her living room from pregnancy until the child was preschool age. 


Image created by openart.ai

Last month I wrote a post about how what was once the Next Big Thing in “child welfare” – “predictive analytics” increasingly is being seen for what it really is: an Orwellian nightmare of computerized racial profiling that bears an uncanny resemblance to some of the worst aspects of Project 2025 – the right-wing vision for a second Trump presidency.

I included this video from The Lincoln Project dramatizing what one aspect of Project 2025, omnipresent surveillance of pregnant women, really would mean:

 


I noted that unlike Project 2025, using predictive analytics once was embraced by many on the left. It was the subject of gushy stories in mainstream media – even though one of the designers of one of the most prominent algorithms actually said “Yes, it’s Big Brother…”

But while preparing my recent presentation for the Kempe Center’s virtual conference, I was reminded that there was an old-fashioned analog scheme for mass surveillance that was even worse.  It, too, was embraced by many on the Left at the time. In fact, the creator of this scheme never tires of beginning her presentations by reminding everyone that, at least in her own eyes, she’s a liberal.

The scheme comes from Harvard Law School Professor-Emeritus Elizabeth Bartholet.  She long has been one of America’s most extreme devotees of taking away children.  For decades she led what should be called child welfare’s “caucus of denial” – that group which insists practitioners of “child welfare” somehow are so much better than everyone else that they have created the one and only field in American life magically immune from racism.

Nothing in my description of Bartholet’s scheme that follows constitutes inference on my part.  It is all laid out in depressing detail in her 1999 book Nobody’s Children – see especially pages 164 to 171.  It is a plan so extreme it would make the authors of Project 2025 blush:

She called for a spy in every living room. 

The plan is a bizarre extrapolation from something that has gained wide favor among advocates for traditional child abuse “prevention” – home visiting.  The idea is that a professional (in the most promising of these programs, a nurse) would offer to come to the home of pregnant women and new parents, perhaps once a week, to offer advice, support and, at its best, concrete help.

The key words there are support and offer.  The purpose of the visits is help – though anyone choosing to let them in would have to consider the fact that the visitors probably would be mandatory reporters of “child abuse.”  (This is a classic example of how mandatory reporting backfires.)

But the visits would be strictly voluntary.  Parents would be free to just say no.

When these programs first were proposed the only real opposition came from some on the extreme right.  They charged that the plan was really just a subterfuge by liberals to put an agent from Big Government into every American home. It was easy to dismiss that as a paranoid delusion – until Elizabeth Bartholet, (who wants to be sure you know she’s a liberal) came along and proposed almost exactly that.

She called for a home visiting program that would be mandatory, not voluntary.  The starting line would be even earlier than predictive analytics algorithms. As with Project 2025, the spying would begin with pregnancy.  (Bartholet doesn’t say if women would have to self-report their pregnancies or if their doctors or maybe their neighbors would turn them in.)

But however it would be done, once your pregnancy became known, government agents (presumably from private “helping” agencies, but contracted by government) would be sent into your home and every other such home in America - from pregnancy until your child was old enough for preschool (at which point, presumably, teachers could take over the spying).

Under Bartholet’s plan, the visitors can demand entry at any time, and you must let them in. Yes, they’ll try to help.  But their primary job is to conduct – this is Bartholet’s term - “surveillance” of your pregnancy, your child-rearing practices and environment. If they believe any of those practices, or anything else, endangers your child’s “well-being” they must turn you in to the family police who can -- and Bartholet maintains, should -- whisk away your children and set in motion the process for taking them away forever.

That brings us to Bartholet’s definition of “well-being.”

Bartholet says having those spies in the living room watch out only for things that threaten children’s health or safety is not enough. She said the system should be willing to remove children “even if physical safety is not an issue,” [p.204, emphasis in original]. Indeed, Bartholet says, the so-called Adoption and Safe Families Act, which blew huge holes in earlier federal law theoretically requiring “reasonable efforts” to keep families together, should have gone further.  ASFA should have declared reasonable efforts null and void whenever they might jeopardize a child’s “well-being.” [p.27].

Bartholet said this is essential because, in large numbers of neglect cases, a child’s physical safety really isn’t in danger.

And we should stop right there for a moment.  Bartholet and her disciples, then and now, invoke the worst horror stories to justify the massive over-policing of families and over-removal of children.  But in her own book, Bartholet effectively admits she knows better.

In large numbers of “neglect” cases, she admits, children are not in danger at all – except materially.  One needs a “well-being” standard only if the real target is any case in which a parent’s poverty is preventing a child from having all the same opportunities rich

children have. In short, you need a spy in every living room to police “well-being” only if the goal is to accomplish a massive reallocation of children from the poor to the rich.

Repeatedly in her book, Bartholet equates “well-being” with “well-off.” She indicates her strong preference for adoption by strangers is based in part on the fact that prospective adoptive parents “are generally relatively privileged in socioeconomic terms … and live in neighborhoods with better schools and community facilities, which are relatively free from drugs, crime and violence” [p.89]. She complains about kinship foster care in part because relatives “live on the economic margins” [p.157].

She quotes with approval a researcher who says entire poor communities often are “almost unsalvageable” and the system should look for placements that provide “physical … and environmental advantages … even if they require some discontinuities to achieve them”[p.185].

Fortunately, both on the Left and the Right, people are catching on to the enormous harm of child surveillance and child confiscation schemes, whether it was former House Speaker Newt Gingrich’s proposal to shovel poor people’s children into orphanages or Bartholet’s spy-in-every-living room scheme.

But still, there are too many of my fellow liberals who forget everything they claim to believe about civil rights and civil liberties as soon as someone whispers the words “child abuse” in their ears.